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Footnotes for Thornton Chard's article, "Did the first Spanish horses landed in Florida and Carolina leave progeny?"

Note 1.    Lady Wentworth, Thoroughbred Racing Stock (London, 1938) p. 49
 

Note 2.    The Western Horseman (Lafayette, Cal. Vol. I, No. 3) p. 25 (Vol. III, No. 1) p. 21.
 

Note 3.    A. E. Wiggam, The Fruit of the Family Tree (Indianapolis, 1924) pp 13, 14.
 

Note 4.    "Men who have been in action in our own times will tell you that a wounded horse gives in at once, that he seems to have no heart."  Basil Tozer, The Horse in History (New York, 1908), p. 105.
 

Note 5.    Cordoba, the great horse breeding region of Spain, was accessible to the ports of departure for America.  R. B. Cunninghame Graham, Horses of the Conquest (originally published in London, 1930, republished by The Long Riders' Guild Press in 2004). p. 131.
 

Note 6.    Translated from the French of Le Sieur de Solleysel, Equyer.  Le Parfait Maréchal, 2nd Part, p. 295.  Edition 1775.  First published in 1664, this work passed through many editions;  was translated into several languages and was borrowed for more than a century by different writers.  Sir W. Hopes, Compleat Horseman, 1696, is a translation from Solleysel by a pupil. (Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. XXIV, p. 198.)
 

Note 7.    All agreements entered into by the various Conquistadores with Charles V and Philip II had a clause binding them to take a quota both of horses and mares.  (Graham, op. cit., p. 110) So far as mares are concerned this must apply more particularly to expeditions contemplating settlement for Francis Haines points out (American Anthropologist, Vol. 40, No. 3, p. 429) that few mares were used in actual exploration.  This is borne out by Coronado's original muster roll which lists 588 horses only 2 of which were mares.  (Western Horseman, May-June, 1938, p. 19; quoting letter of Prof. Arthur S.  Aiton who discovered the muster roll)
 

Note 8.    Baguales were South American wild horses descended from the horses and mares Mendoza abandoned in 1535 - mostly bays to which color they had reverted after 300 years.  Parti-colored wild horses are not true Baguales as the latter became extinct as much as 100 years ago. (Graham, op. cit. pp. 114-115)
 

Note 9.    de León's discovery of Florida in 1512 and his brief excursion therein is not pertinent to the subject in hand
 

Note 10.    Herbert E. Bolton, The Spanish Borderlands (New Haven, 1921), p. 11
 

Note 11.    In the first years of the Conquest it was common to pay from 3000-4000 pesos (c. $1400-$1850) for a horse, but they bred so rapidly in the New World that the price dropped very materially within a comparatively short time.  James A. Robertson, Some Notes on the Transfer by Spain of Plants and Animals to its Colonies Overseas (James Sprunt Historical Studies, Vol. XIX, 1927), p. 10
 

Note 12.    Bolton, op. cit., p. 11.

Note 13.    Ibid., pp. 19, 22, 23.  De Soto found skulls of horses at Ochete near the coast (Gulf of Mexico).  He believed them to be those of Narváez.  E. G. Bourne, Narrative of the Career of Hernando De Soto.  (Vol. I. London, 1905), pp. 47-48.

Note 14.    (Bureau of American Ethnology.  Bulletin #73, Washington, 1922) p. 158

Note 15.    Bolton, op. cit., pp. 49, 64.  At Napetaca Sept. 15, 2 horses killed in a fight - one of them De Soto's.  Dec. 28, 3 horses wounded by arrows - one of them died;  2 horses gave out from exhaustion; 12 horses died and 70 hurt at Manilla; many horses burned to death in the stalls at Chicaca;  50 horses died in this battle with the Chicaca.  (Bourne, op. cit., pp. 41, 42, 49, 64, 97, 104, 106)

Note 16.    R. B. Cunninghame Graham says that De Soto had 300 horses - the largest number of any expedition - part from Santiago, part from Spain.  (op. cit., p. 73).  Alexander Brown says:  De Soto "reached ... Florida May 25, 1539 with 570 men and 223 horses well equipped."  (Genesis of the United States (Boston 1891), p. 1020.)  Bourne says that when De Soto landed in Florida, 213 horses were set on shore to unburden the ships (op. cit., p. 22).  The discrepancies as to the number of De Soto's horses is not material to this discussion as it was useful horses that counted, the invariable practice being to slaughter horses for food when no longer useful for transport.  When De Soto arrived at Santiago, Cuba, from Spain, the city sent to the seaside a splendid roan horse caparisoned for the Governor to mount and a mule for his wife.  (Bourne, op. cit., p. 12.)  This reference might mean that De Soto brought no horses with him from Spain.  T.C.

Note 17.    Bolton, op. cit., Chap. V.

Note 18.    Several voyages were made for exploration only;  that of Miruelo, 1516-1519; and that of Penedo, 1519, along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico; Gordillo and Quexos, 1521-1522 and Gomez, 1525, over somewhat varying courses.  (H. I. Priestley, The Luna Papers.  1559-1561.  Florida State Historical Society.  Vol. I, Deland, Florida, 1928, p. XIX.

Note 19.    Tristan de Luna Y Arellano had been Captain of Horse in the Coronado Expedition to Cibola.  (Ibid., p. XXV,)

Note 20.    Ibid. pp. XXVIII, XXIX, XXXIV, XXXV, XL.  Most of Luna's Cavalry was enlisted outside of Mexico City, in Oaxaca, Los Zacatecas and Pueblo.  The expedition set out with scant funds as they had expended their private resources to the amount of 300,000 pesos for armour and horses etc.  (Ibid. pp. XXIX, XXXI.)

Note 21.    Ibid. pp. XXVIII, XXIX, XXXIV, XXXV, XL.

Note 22.    Ibid., p. 209

Note 23.    Ibid. p. 101.

Note 24.    Ibid. p. 121

Note 25.    Ibid., p. 113.  The bracketed words are part of the quotation.

Note 26.    Ibid. p. 213.

Note 27.    Ibid. Vol. II, p. 121.

Note 28.    Ibid. p. 195.

Note 29.    Bolton, op. cit., Chap. V.

Note 30.    Bolton, op. cit., Chap. V.

Note 31.    Woodbury Lowery, The Spanish Settlements in the United States, Florida 1562-1574 (London and New York, 1905), p. 143.

Note 32.    Ibid. pp. 151, 152.

Note 33.    Ibid. pp. 163, 164.

Note 34.    Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. I (Cambridge, Mass., 1899), pp. 282, 283.

Note 35.    J. T. Connor, Colonial Records of Spanish Florida, Vol. 2 (Florida State Historical Society, Deland, 1925), p. XXVI.

Note 36.    Ibid., Vol. I, p. 299.

Note 37.    Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 87, 89, 93, 97.

Note 38.    Ibid., Vol. I, p. 97.

Note 39.    Ibid. Vol. II, p. 225.

Note 40.    Ibid., Vol. II, p. 255

Note 41.    Ibid., Vol. II, p. 279.  (Italics are mine.)

Note 42.    Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 319, 320.

Note 43.    H. I. Priestley, The Coming of the White Man (New York, 1929), p. 324.  Robertson, op. cit., pp. 10, 11.

Note 44.    Connor, op cit., Vol. I, p. 97; Vol. II, pp. xxvi, 279.

Note 45.    Verner W. Crane, Southern Frontier (Philadelphia, 1929) pp. 3-5.

Note 46.    J. D. G. Shea, Missions among the Indian Tribes of the United States (New York, 1855), Chaps. II, III.

Note 47.    Ibid., Chaps. II, III.

Note 48.    Brown, op. cit. Vol. I, pp. 328, 408.  Charles M. Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History.  Settlements (New Haven, 1934), pp. 111, 113.

Note 49.    General Edward McCrady, Colonial Development. S. Carolina (Charleston, 1897) Id., The History of South Carolina under the Proprietary Government, 1670-1719 (New York, 1897), pp. 8-10.  Crane, op. cit. pp. 3-5.

Note 50.    Fairfax Harrison, The John's Island Stud, 1750-1788 (Richmond, Va., 1931), p. 167.

Note 51.    F. B. Culver, Blooded Horses of Colonial Days (Washington, 1922) p. 131.

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